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The inception of Awami League: the rise of opposition politics
Language Movement and the Struggle for the Dignity of our Mother Tongue
During
these dark years of our national life, Awami League had the self
imposed task of fighting for democratic rights of the people. After
15th August 1975, there came another cataclysmic event that struct
Awami League very seriously and led to a temporary vaccum in the
leadership: four national leader, Syed Nazrul Islam, Tajuddin Ahmed, M.
Mansur Ali and A.H.M. Kamaruzzaman were killed in Dhaka Central Jail by
the same conspirators who had killed Bangabandhu.
Conclusion
Bangladesh Awami League is the oldest and biggest political party of
Bangladesh. It originated in the soil of the country and evolved with
the evolving hopes and aspirations of the people living on the Padma-
Meghna- Jamuna delta. It is the party that gave leadership in the
glorious Liberation War. Awami league is one of those political parties
in the world under whose leadership struggles were led and won, tearing
apart the chains of domination and servitude. Awami League represents
the mainstream of the progressive, non-communal, democratic and
nationalist politics of Bangladesh.
This half-a-century- old party has a glorious of relentless and
uncompromising struggle against autocracy and communalism, against
political and economic domination. Its greatest achievement is the
emancipation of the Bangalee people from the colonial rule of Pakistan.
This was the party that both germinated and helped blossom the Bangalee
nationalism: the independence won in 1971 is the undying monument of
that grand success of Awami League as a political party. Bangabandhu
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, our Father of the Nation, gave the leadership to
the people and the party that took us through the glorious War of
Liberation. Since then, the party has worked tirelessly to combat
autocracy and communalism, to nourish the non communal political
tradition and to institutionalize democracy through establishing a
constitutionally elected government.
Therefore, as a political party, Awami League can claim to have
attained success in the overall development of the political history of
the country, particularly in the process of building a nation-state for
the Bangalee people. It is continuing in its role as the people-
oriented political party with progressive and pragmatic political,
social and economic agenda for the betterment of the lot of the toiling
masses of the country.
We plan to elaborate on some of the glaring successes of Awami League
in its long history of struggle over the last fifty years.
The inception of Awami League: the rise of opposition politics
It is known to all that, in 1940, Sher-e-Bangla A. K. Fazlul Huq
tabled the historic Resolution incorporating the idea of more than one
states in the Indian subcontinent. According to this resolution, there
was to be a separate state comprising the Bangla speaking regions of the
sub continent. But the plan was completely sidetracked when India was
divided in 1947 on the basis of Mr. Jinnah’s Two-nation Theory, and the
artificial state of Pakistan came into being with two wings separated by
a thousand miles. These two wings comprised two entirely different
lands, languages and cultures. The establishment of Pakistan could not
solve the problem of Bangalee nationality. On the contrary, the
repressive policies of the Pakistani ruling elite against various
nationalities brought the question of Bangalee’s separate nationhood to
the forefront. In this backdrop, within 4 months and 20 days of the
creation of Pakistan an opposition student’s organization named East
Pakistan Student League was formed under the leadership of the then
young and promising student leader, Bangbandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
(January 4, 1948). On June 23, nest year, a meeting of the leaders and
workers known to be the supporters of Hussain Shaheed suhrawardy was
held at ‘Rose Garden’ of K. M. Das lane, Dhaka. There a new political
party named Awami Muslim League was formed with Maulana Abdul Hamid
Khan Bhashani as chair, Shamsul Haq of Tangail as Secretary,
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (then interned in Jail) as Joint
Secretary and Yar Mohammad as Treasurer. It was the first oppsition
party in the then East Bangal (later renamed East Pakistan). In a
process of secularization, the word ‘Muslim’ was eventually dropped from
the name of the party. Since its inception, Awami League has championed
the cause of the political rights of the Bangalee people and fought
relentlessly for the attainment of those rights. The present Bangladesh
Awami League inherits the legacy of the party founded in 1949.
Bangabandhu’s daughter Sheikh Hasina is the present president of
Bangladesh Awami League.
Language Movement and the Struggle for the Dignity of our Mother Tongue
The
Bangalee people living on the Padma- Meghna- Jamuna delta first rose in
revolt on the question of the state language of Pakistan. The language
policy of the non-Bangalee rulers of Pakistan was not only undemocratic
but also strongly biased against the various nationalities. They refused
the claim of Bangla, the language of the majority people of Pakistan,
to be one of the state languages alongside Urdu. Rather they trid to
impose Urdu as the sole state language of Pakistan. The people of East
Bengal statged their clamorous protest against this blatant injustice
and a strong mass-movement originated on the question of state language.
Both Awami League and its student wing Chhatra League evolved through
this Language movement that stretched from 1948 till 1952. The leaders
of these two parties played the dominant role in organizing this
movement. Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s name should be specially
mentioned in this regard.
On March 11, 1948 he led a siege of the East Pakistan Secretariat and
was arrested along with some of his colleagues. On March 21, 1948, in a
meeting in the Racecourse of Dhaka (now Suhrawardy Garden), Mohammad
Ali Jinnah, and the first Governor General of Pakistan declared
unequivocally, “Urdo and only Urdu shall be the state language of
Pakistan.” A number of young activists including Bangabandhu raised
their voice of protest against this declaration. Bangabandhu Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman became the target of the wrath of the Muslim League
government for a number of reasons which included his active
participation in the language movement, his protest against the
repressive measures taken by the Muslim League government, his
leadership in the movement of the class four employees of Dhaka
University etc. He was being thrown into Jail into Jail again and again.
He was still in jail when the final phase of the Language movement
started in 1952. He got himself transferred from the central jail to
Dhaka Medical College on medical ground and established contacts with
the leaders outside.
Through chits smuggled out of the hospital he gave directives to the
leaders of the movement. On February 16, 1952, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib
and his close associate late Mohiuddin Ahmed went on
hunger-strike-till-death. With a view to isolating them from the
outside world, the government transferred them to Faridpur Jail.
Bangabandhu was then Joint Secretary of Awami League. This hunger strike
added a new dimension to the final phase of the Language Movement. The
police opened fire on the demonstrasting student on February 21, 1952,
killing several persons. This bloody incident opened a new chapter in
the history of the Liberations struggle of the Bangalee nation.
It should be mentioned here that the movement for Bangla Language was
being conducted under the aegus of a multi-party forum called the ‘All
Party State Language Action Committee. It was formed on January 30,
1952, and Awami League played a leading role in its formation. On the
streets, inside the prison, in the Constituent Assembly-everywhere Awami
League and Bangabandhu fought relentlessly for the cause of mother
tongue. In a speech given in the Pakistan Constituent Assembly,
Bangabandhu made this memorable comment: “It is not important whether
we know any other language or not. We want to speak in Bangla in this
House.” When new consperacies started being hatched against Bangla
language and Bangalee culture in the sixties, Bangabandhu and his party
organized a strong protest movement against those nefarious designs of
the Ayub regime.
In 1974, after the Liberation of Bangladesh, Bangabandhu Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman delivered his speech in the UN in Bangla and thus for
the first time glorified our language in the world arena. His daughter,
the present Prime Minister of Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina can justifiably
claim the credit of glorifying Bangla once again: it was due to her
initiative that UNESCO has declared (November 17, 1999) the 21st of
February as the International Mother Language Day. From now on, February
21, the day of martyrdom for Bangla, will be celebrated all over the
world every year in recognition of the right of the mother tongues of
all speech communities of the world. The glorious sacrifice of the
Bangalee nation has now acquired international recognition through this
decision of UNESCO.
The Election of the United Front
In March 1954, an election of the last Pakistan Provincial Assembly
was held, which is known as the United Front election. The opposition
political parties, under the leadership of the mainstream party, Awami
League formed the United Front to fight the electoral battle against the
ruling Muslim League. It was formally inaugurated in December 1953 with
Hussain Shaheed Sugrawardy, Sher-e-Bangla A. K. Fazlul Huq, Maulana
Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani and Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as
Chief proponents. United Front chalked out a 21 point socio-economic
programme as its election manifesto; it included the ‘State language
issue’ and ‘the demand for the autonomy of East Bengal’ as two main
points. The election symbol of the Front was ‘boat’. It had a landslide
victory, winning 300 seats out of 309. The ruling Muslim League got only
9 seats. Out of the 237 muslim seats, United Front bagged 223 (Awami
League topped the list among the members by winning 137 seats). This
electoral win by United Front marked a watershed in the politics of East
Pakistan. The ruling Muslim not only suffered a crushing defeat; it was
virtually wiped out as a political force from East Bengal. For the
Bangalees it was a revolution through ballot. But the United Front
Government formed under the leadership of Fazlul Huq was short-lived :
the central Gvoernment of Pakistan ousted it on the 56th day of its
assumption of power. Bangalees were outraged and infuriated by this
nefarious act on the part of the Pakistani ruling clique. The election
of 1954 and its aftermath played an important role in the evolution of
the concept of the separate Bangalee nationhood.
A Step towards secularization
Since the beginning, Awami League has been a secular democratic
party. The term ‘Muslim’ was appended to the name of the party at the
time of its foundation as a political tactic only. India was divided on
the basis of a communal birurcation, and in 1949 it was really
unthinkable to launch an opposition political party with a declared
secularist agenda. Moreover, the separate election system for defferent
religious communites was still operative in Pakistan. The founding
fathers of Awami League, therefore, thought it opportune to hide their
intentions under the name ‘Awami Muslim league’ for the time being.
Meanwhile, through the cataclysmie events of the Language Movement, the
United Front election of 1954 and the defeat of Muslim League in that
election created a secular political atmosphere in East Bengal. A
resolution in favour of ‘non-communal combined system was adopted
(Murree Pact, 1955), for whice Awami League can claim the sole credit.
In the backdrop of this, in the initiative of Bangabandhu Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman, the then General Secretary of the Party, the three-day
3rd council meeting was held in Rupahal Cinema Hall of Dhaka on 21-23
October, 1953. In this council, a resolution regarding the change in
the name of the party was adopted : the word ‘Muslim’ was dropped and
the party was renamed ‘East Pakistan Awami League’. It was a historical
and bold political decision, as a result of which the party became open
to all irrespective of caste, creed and colour. The secular democratic
character of the party was thus institutionalized and perfected.
Formation of government, split in the party, ouster from power
In August 1956, the governor of East Bengal called upon Awami League
to form the provicial government. The Awami League government was
formed next month with Ataur Rahman Khan, the leader of the Awami
League Parliamentary Party, as the Chief Minister. His cabinet included
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Bangabandhu was entrusted with the
important portfolio of the Ministry of Industries, commerce and Labour.
Awami League stayed in power for about two years. Inspite of a series
of conspiracies hatched by the central government, the Awami League
government in East Bengal succeeded in taking some important steps in
various fields. These included the tackling of serious problem of
food-shortage, the release of the political prisoners, giving ‘test
relief’ to the landless peasants, the granting of financial aid to the
families of the Language Movement martyrs, the declaration of February
21 as a government holiday, the observance of Pahela Baiskh as Bangla
New Year’s Day, the establishment of a Veterinary College in Mymensingh,
of Fenchuganj Fertilizer Factory and Savar Dairy Farm and of Film
Development Corporation (FDC) etc. Bangabandhu played a very strong
role in all these.
We must note here a singular event that took place during the Awami
League rule. Bangabandhu was concurrently holding the posts of the
Party General Secretary and a cabinet minister. The party decided to
segregate the leadership of the Organization and the ministry.
Bangabandhu was given the choice of keeping any of the two posts. This
problem arose in the case of a few others also. Bangabandhu
unhesitatingly made his choice he left the ministry and opted for the
post of the party secretary. This shows how much importance he laid
upon the party organization. This rare incident proves the fact that
Bangabandhu was the central force in Awami League and that his
commitment to the party was above everything else. Incidentally, all the
three vice-presidents of the party opted for ministership and left the
party posts. Almost simultaneously with the formation of government in
East Bengal by AL, the party under the leadership of Huseyn Shaheed
Shhrawardy formed government of only 13 members of Awami League and was
backed by the Republican Party. But it lasted only 13 months (12
September 1956-11 October 1957). Naturally, it was too short a tenure
for the Suhrawardy government to do anything significant. But even
within this period, the AL administration took a few bold steps. These
include the adoption of ‘parity’ policy with a view to lessening the
multiple disparities between the two wings of Pakistan; the holding of
the session of Pakistan National Assembly in Dhaka (for the first
time); the passing of an act in the assembly in favour of non-communal
joint electorate system (October 14,1956); the establishment of Jute
Marketing Corporation; taking steps to facilitate industrialization and
expansion of trade and commerce in East Bengal; the establishment of
IWTA for developing the river transport system and WAPDA for flood
control, etc.
The civil and military bureaucracy had exerted its unhealthy
influence on the administration since the very inception of the state
of Pakistan. The AL government of Suhrawardy successfully curbed this
influence. Moreover, with a view to basing the fledgling domocracy on a
firm footing, Suhrawardy stressed the need for holding a general
election in his very first address to the nation. These bold steps taken
by the Shurawardy government, particularly its pledge to hold a
general election unnerved the ruling clique and its frontsman President
Iskander Mirza. It was at his behest that Republican Party (a party
that Mirza himself had helped found) withdrew its support from
Suhrawardy Ministry. Immediately after this President Iskander Mirza
forced Suhrawardy to resign.
One big event for Awami League that took place during this period was
the split in the party The two top leaders of AL, Suhrawardy and
Maulana Bhashni were having a difference of opinion for quite some time
on the question of the foreign policy of Pakistan. Bhasani was in
fovour of a non-aligned foreign policy, while Suhrawardy fovoured
strong links with the powerful countries of the West, Particularly with
Amirica. Suhrawardy’s stance was backed by a pragmatic assessment of
the contemporary geo-political realities of South Asia. Most of the
leaders of Awami League under the guidence of the Party General
Secretary Bangabandhu Shiekh Mujibur Rahman supported Suhrawardy’s
standpoint. On February 7-8, 1957, Bhasani hosted the special council
meeting of AL at Kagmari Tangail. There the division of opinion came to
the fore. The split in the party could be forestalled at Kagmari
Council, but soon it became inevitable. Maulana Bhasani resigned his
post of party President on March 18, 1957; within a few days, 9 out of
the 37 members of the Working Committee resigned in support of Maulana
Bhasani. On July 25-26, 1957, Bhasani called ‘Democratic Workers
Conference’ at Rupmahal Cinema of Dhaka. There, a new political party
named ‘National Awami Party’ was formed with Bhasani as its president. A
few leftist organization joined NAP. In this time of crisis, the
youthful General Secretary of AL took the reins of the party in his
hands. Maulana Abdur Rashid Tarkabagish was made the party president in
the place of Maulana Bhasani. Bangabandhu, at this juncture, left his
post in the provincial ministry in order to devote his whole time to
the reorganization of the party.
The Anti-Ayub Movement
On OCtober 7, 1958, President General Iskander Mirza proclaimed
Martial Law in Pakistan. Within 20 days of this, he was ousted by the
Army Chief General Ayub Khan in a counter coup. Ayub’s decade of
autocratic rule started. The constitution was abrogated; the national
and the provincial assemblies were dissolved; all political activities
were prohibited. A large number of political leaders and activists
including Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman were thrown into jail. By
passing the notorious ‘EBDO’ Act, Ayub Khan declared 78 politicians
including the popular leader H. S. Suhrawardy unfit for being candidates
in elections. Measures were taken to stifle the voice of the press.
Moreover, Ayub Khan introduced the so-called ‘Basic Democracy’
substituting direct elections with on ‘Electoral College’ with the
ulterior purpose of perpetuating his regime. He arranged for the
framing of a new Constitution (1952), which was based on the ‘Basic
Democracy’ concept on a total reliance on the military bureaucracy.
In spite of all repressive measures, Awami League continued
functioning, surreptitiously organising group meetings to devise ways
and means of a possible movement against the Ayub Government. Soon an
opportunity presented itself, when the government arrested H. S.
Suhrawardy on June 30, 1962. The news of the arrest spread like wild
fire and the students started strikes in educational institutions and
came out to the streets. Anti-martial Law posters were put up on the
city walls. In this backdrop, on February 7, 1962, Bangabandhu Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman was arrested and thrown into jail. The publication of the
Report on Education Policy by Sharif Commission, which was constituted
by Ayub Khan, added fuel to the fire. The entire student community
demanded the immediate withdrawal of the Report terming it as
anti-people and inimical to Bangla language and culture. On September
17 (1962), the police opened fire on the agitating public killing a
number of people including a student named Babul. The day (September 17)
has been observed as the ‘Education Day’ ever since. This incident
gave rise to a student- upsurge forcing the government to withhold the
Sharif Commission Report. Side by side with the student movement,
attempts were made to initiate a political movement against Ayub Khan.
On June 24, 1962, nine eminent political leaders of different parties
issued a statement opposing the new constitution and calling for the
restoration of democracy. This is known as ‘the statement of nine
leaders’. Ataur Rahman Khan and Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman signed
the statement on behalf of Awami League. Within a short time, under
the auspices of Awami League, a multi-party alliance nemed ‘National
Democratic Front’ (NDF) was formed. Upon his release from prison, the
leader of All Pakistan Awami League, H. S. Suhrawardy took the
leadership of NDP. In 1962-63, NDF held a serious of Political rallies
in both the wings of Pakistan and it created a widespread awakening
among the people. Suhrawardy’s death in 1963, however, was an
irreparable loss to NDF. Under the initiative of Bangabandhu Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman, the decision to revive Awami League was taken in a
meeting at his residence in Dhanmondi Road no. 32.
The Presidential election of Pakistan was held on January 2, 1965, on
the basis of Basic Democracy (the electoral college comprised only
80,000 voters). Despite the meagre chance of winning the election under
such a situation, the opposition decided to fight it out jointly. With
this end in view and under the auspices of Awami League a united front
named Combined Opposition Party (COP) was formed on July 21, 1964. Miss
Fatema Jinnah was nominated the candidate the candidate of COP for the
Presidential polls. Although Miss Jinnah lost in the election, her
election campaign created a lot of stir in the public. In Dhaka city,
the provincial capital, Ayub Khan got fewer votes than Fatema Jinnah.
One positive result that emerged from this election was that it exposed
the hollowness and anti-people character of the so-called Basic
Democracy system.
Communal riots of 1964
Awami League believes in communal harmony and peace. It has always
fought against communalism. In 1964, a communal riot broke out between
the Muslim and the Hindu communities in Dhaka, in Narayanganj Adamjee
area and elsewhere. Things were compound when the Bangalees and the
Beharis started clashing in several places. As the situation worsened,
scores of people got killed; looting and arson went on in full scale.
Hundreds of people were rendered homeless. The Ayub government was
involved in this riot : their aim was to divert the anti-government
sentiments of the people to a different issue. With a view to countering
this communal riot a ‘Resistance Committee’ was formed under the aegis
of Bangabandhu. The Committee published a pamphlet titiled “Stand up
in Resistance, East Pakistan!” and distributed it among the public in
hundreds and thousands. Bangabandhu incurred the displeasure of an
angry Ayub for this and the government started a suit against him in
the court.
The 6-point Programme: The ‘Megna Carta’ of the Bangalees’ national struggle
The 1965 Indo-Pak War came as an eye-opener for the Bangalees. During
the War, East Bengal became completely isolated from the rest of the
world. East Pakistanis were left to their fate, without military defence
and security, while the Pakistani rulers kept themselves busy in
defending the West Pakistani fronters. This exposed the extreme
callousness of the Pakistani rulers to wards the Bangalee people. In
this backdrop, soon after the end of the War, Bangabandhu Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman formulated the historic 6-point programme. His purpose
was to voice the just demands of the people of East Bengal for self
determination and economic emancipation from the exploitative Pakistani
colonial state-system. The six points were as follows :
Point 1:
Pakistan shall be a Federal State. There shall be parliamentary
government formed by a legislature elected on the basis of universal
adult franchise.
Point 2:
The federating units or the provinces shall deal with all affairs except foreign relations and defence.
Point 3:
There shall be two separate but easily convertible currencies for the
two wings of Pakistan. Or, alternatively, there may by a single
currenct with the proviso that the Federal Bank shall take adequate
measures to stop the ciphoning of money from East Pakistan to West
Pakistan.
Point 4:
The federating units or provinces shall reserve the right to levy
taxes. The central government, of course, shall have some share of the
tax proceeds.
Point 5:
Separate accounts shall be maintained for the foreign exchange
earnings of the two wings. The foreign exchange earned from foreign
trade shall be under the control of the respective wings. The federating
units shall be independent in conducting trades with foreign
countries.
Point 6:
The federating provinces shall be able to raise para-militia or para-military forces for their own defences.
No sooner had the 6-point programme been published than Ayub Khan
declared it ‘secessionisrt’ and styled its author Bangabandhu as the
enemy number one of Pakistan. Ayub also threatened to use brute force to
suppress this charter of demands. But Awami League and its leader
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman remained undaunted by such threats.
Bangabandhu started a 3-month long mass-contact programme which took him
to every nook and corner of Bangladesh. In the public meetings, Amidst
thunderous slogans, he pesented the 6-point programme as demands to
save our (Bangalees’) life. The government started arresting him now in
Sylhet, now in Mymensing, or in Dhaka or in Narayanganj. Bangabandhu
was arrested eight times in the first three months of the 6-point
movement. By then Bangabandhu had become the President of Awami League.
He was finally thrown into jail on May 8, 1966, a general strike was
observed all over East Pakistan in support of the 6-point programme and
for the release of Bangabandhu. The police fired in Tejgaon, Tongi and
Narayanganj killing 13 people. This was followed by large-scale arrests
of the leaders and followers of Awami League throughout the country.
All these measures taken by the Ayub regime proved counter-productive.
6-point programme became the heartfelt demand of the common masses.
Students put forWard their 11-point programme which complemented the
6-point charter of demands. Thus the political situation in East
Pakistan became extremely volatile : the stage was set for a great
explosion of popular anger through an all-out mass-movement against the
Ayub rule.
The Agartala Conspiracy Case & the Mass-upsurge of 1969
President Ayub Khan of Pakistan took resort to a nefarious plan of
quelling the growing disturbances caused by the 6-point programme. At
his instance, in January 1968, a false case was instituted. This has
become infamous in the history as the Agartala Conspiracy Case. 35
Bangalee civil and military officers were accused of treason and
conspiracy against the state of Pakistan. Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman, then under detention, was made the principal accused and the
case itself was officially styled, “State versus Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
and Others.” President Ayub formed a special tribunal to try the
accused. On june 19, 1968 the trial started in the Kurmitola cantonment
of Dhaka. There was great turbulence in East Pakistan because of this
case. The student community started a united movement against the Ayub
regime on the basis of the 6-point programme of Bangabandhu and their
own 11-point charter of demands. They defied the section 144
promulgated by the police, broke the barricades put by the East Pakistan
Rifles and came out to the streets in thousands. People from all walks
of life joined them. They chanted the slogans – “We’ll break the locks
of the jail and free Sheikh Mujib”; “Your leader, my leader, Sheikh
Mujib, Sheikh Mujib’, etc. A mass-upsurge took place; the Pakistani
rulers ordered shooting in different places. Law and order situation
worsened to such an extent that the rebellious mob took control of all
important points in the Dhaka city. During this movement, a lot of
people were killed: Asad, a student leader of Dhaka University, Dr.
Shamsuzzoha, a teacher of Rajshahi University and Matiur, a school
student of Dhaka and Sg’t Zahurul Huq, an accused of the Agartala
Conspiracy Case were among them. On February 22, Pakistan Government was
forced to grant unconditional release to Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman and withdraw the ‘Agartala Conspiracy Case’. Next day, in a
mammoth gathering in the then Race Course Maidan of Dhaka, Bangabandhu
was accorded a grand reception. Amidst thunderous applause by the
million of people gathered there. Sheikh Mujib was conferred the title
‘Bangabandhu’ (The Friend of Bengal). On March 25, 1969, Ayub Khan was
forced to step down from power in shame and ignominy. The decade of his
autocratic rule came to an end.
The elections of 1970: Awami League wins the historic mandate
General Yahya Khan succeeded Ayub Khan as President of Pakistan. He
declared the general elections to be held next year. In December 1970,
the general elections were held on the basis of universal adult
franchise and a proportionate distribution of seats in terms of
population between the two wings of Pakistan.
Awami League decided to fight these elections as a part of its
struggle for self-determination for the Bangalee people. Its election
manifesto was the 6-point programme; its election symbol was ‘boat’.
During the election campaign, Bangabandhu termed the election was a
referendum on the 6-point programme. During this time, on November 12, a
devastating cyclone laid waste the whole of Southern Bengal, killing
half a million people. The central government of Pakistan showed
extreme callousness in the face of such a great human disaster. Awami
League capitalized on this issue during the campaign. Awami League won a
stunning victory in these elections, winning 160 out of 162 seats in
East Pakistan. It bagged 72.57% of the total votes cast. AL won a
similar landslide victory in the provincial Assembly elections also – it
won 288 seats out of 300 and bagged 389% of total votes cast. Awami
League won all the 7 women seats in the National Assembly and all the
10 women seats in the Provincial Assembly. The net result was, Awami
League emerged as the single majority party in the Pakistan National
Assembly with 167 seats out of a total of 313. On the other side, Mr.
Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto’s Pakistan People’s Party won 88 seats (all from
the western wing) and emerged as the second largest Parliamentary
group. These were the last general elections of the united Pakistan.
Non-Cooperation Movement, the 7th March Speech of Bangabandhu and the Preparations for the War of Liberation
Awami League’s attainment of single majority in the 1970 elections
frightened the Pakistani rulers. They could well read the meaning of
the AL victory-it meant that the Bangalee would now wield the
state-power and frame a new constitution based on the 6-point
programme. They would in no ay let such a thing happen. Therefore they
started their conspiracy immediately after the results were out. Along
with the military-civil bureaucracy, Mr. Bhutto’s Pakistan Peoples
Party joined in this palace-intrigue.
On January 3, 1971, Awami League under the leadership of Bangabandhu
arranged an Oath-taking ceremony for the newly elected members of the
National and the Provincial Assembly in the Race Course Maidan of Dhaka.
The Awami league MPs took a solemn oath to frame the constitution of
the country on the basis of the 6-point and the 11-point Programmes.
Yahaya Khan had convened the opening session of the National Assembly on
the 3rd of March; bt on the 1st of March, he postponed the session for
an indefinite period. As the news of this postponement spread, the
whole province reacted quicklywith anger and dismay. People came out to
the streets; educational institutions and offices closed down. In
protest of Yahaya’s declaration, Bangabandhu called hartal on March 2
and 3 in entire East Bengal. Curfew was clamped on the night of March 2,
but the angry mobs broke the curfew. The army opened fire on the
protesters killing and Wounding hundres. The whole province rose in
protest like a roaring sea. This was the time of the uprise of a new
nation whose undisputed leaders was Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Raman.
The slogan ‘Joy Bangla’ (Victory of Bangladesh) became the War-cry of
the multitudes. Along with ‘Joy Bangla’ people chanted, “Take up arms,
you heroic Bangalees and liberate Bangladesh”, “Great leader of a great
nation, Sheikh Mujib, Sheikh Mujib’. On March 2, in a
student-mass-gathering in front of Dhaka University Arts Building the
new national flag of Bangladesh (a red sun on a green background and
the map of ‘Bangladesh’ printed in yellow on the red disc) was hoisted.
Events followed events in a quick succession. On March 3, in the
presence of Bangabandhu, the ‘manifesto of the independent Bangladesh’
was read out in a mammoth public meeting at Paltan Maidan; Independent
Bangladesh Central Student’s Action Committee was formed; an all-out
non-cooperation movement against the Pakistani rulers started under the
direct command of Bangabandhu, who became the virtual ruler of the
province. He started issuing daily directives to be followed by the
public. From March 2 to March 25, 1971 Sheikh Mujib became the wielder
of all political and civil power in East Pakistan. All government and
non-government offices, the Secretariat, autonomous bodies, the High
court, the police, Radio and television, Banks and Insurance companies,
Transport authorities-everybody defied the order of the Pakistan
government and observed the directives issued by Bangabandhu from his
Road no. 32, Dhanmondi residence. As Sheikh Mujib became the de facto
head of goverment, his residence turned into something like No. 10
Downing Street of the British Prime Minister’s Official residence.
During this time, the most significant event took place on March 7,
when Bangabandhu addressed a mammoth gathering, a virtual sea of human
faces, in Race Course Maidan. About a million people gathered in that
historic meeting on that fateful day in the annals of the Bangalee race.
Bangabandhu’s address on that day laid the foundation-stone of the
future independent Bangladesh as he gave a green signal for starting the
War of Liberation by saying those inspiring poetic lines: “Our
struggle this time is the struggle for freedom; our struggle this time
is the struggle for independence”. The March 7 speech of Bangabandhu has
been compared with the Geattysberg address of President Abraham
Lincoln. In this short speech, Bangabandhu narrated the story of the 23
years of Pakistani exploitaton and the deprivation of the Bangalee
people, explaned the points of conflicts with the Pakistani rulers,
delcared an elaborate programme for the non-cooperaton movement, hinted
at the possible strategy of resistance against the enemy attack. He
said, “Building forts in each homestead. You must resist the enemy with
whatever you have… Remember, we have a given a lot of blood, a lot
more blood we shall give if need be, but we will liberate the people of
this country, insha Allah… The struggle this time is the struggle for
our emancipation; the struggle this time is the struggle for
independence. Joy Bangla”.
This electrifying declaration by Bangabandhu was virtually the
declaration of the independence of Bangladesh. But, of course,
Bangabandhu showed the political sagacity of not making the declaration
too openly; rather he chose to adopt a ‘wait and see’ policy in order
to observe the next move of the Pakistani government. A UDI would be
disastrous at the particular point time.
The Great War of Liberation and the Emergence of an Independent Bangladesh
The military junta of Yahya Khan started a dialogue with the leader
of the majority party, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. But it was
actually an attempt to hoodwink the Bangalees-the junta was taking time t
make their military preparations complete for a fnal crackdown. They
smuggled in arms and ammunition from West Pakistan and a large number
of army personne, too. On March 25, at midnight, they led a sudden
attack on the unarmed Bangalees in Dhaka and other places. Thus began
the so-called ‘Operation Searchlight’, the most heinous and barbarous
genocide in the history of mankind. A little after the midnight in the
early hours of March 26, 1971, Bangabandhu delcared the independence of
Bangladesh. He sent a message containing the declaration of
independence to his party leaders in Dhaka and Chittagong over the
wireless of the then East Pakistan Rifles. The message read:
“The Pakistani Army has launched a sudden attack on the EPR
Headquarters at Pilkhana and the Police Line at Rajarbagh and they have
killd many people in the city. Street fights are going on in Dhaka and
Chittagong. Our freedom fighters are viliantly fighting for liberating
their motherland from the enemies. In the name of Almighty Allah, this
is my appeal andorder to you-seek the assistance from the Police, the
EPR, the Bengal Regiment and the Ansars to liberate the country. No
compromise; the victory must be ours. Expel the last enemy from our
sacred motherland. Reach this message to all Awami League leaders and
workers and all other patriotic and freedom loving people. May Allah
bless you. You Bangla.”
With the army crackdown on the 25th March night and the declaration
of independence by Bangabandhu after the midnight, the resistance
struggle and the armed War of Liberation of the Bangalees started all
over the country. The junta arrested Bangabandhu frm his Dhanmondi Road
No. 32 residence immediately after the declaration of independence. A
few days later he was taken to West Pakistan. In order to give the
declaration by Bangabandhu a constitutional basis and to conduct the
War of Liberation under a central leadership, the Awami League leaders
on behalf of the elected MNAs and MPAs issued a statement on April 10,
1971. This is known as ‘the constitutional declaration of
independence’.
It read:
“According to the verdict given
by the sovereign people of Bangladesh in favour of the elected
representatives, we, the elected representatives, have formed the
constituent Assembly on the bass of discussions among ourselves.
Considering the establishment of equality, human dignity and social
justice for the people of Bangladesh a sacred duty enjoined upon us, we
do hereby declare the decision of transforming Bangladesh into a
Sovereign People’s Republic and endorse the earlier declaration of
independence by Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Raman. This declaration of
independence will be deemed effective from March 26, 1971.”
In the same declaration, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was made
the President and the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces. The
provisional government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh was formed
(now famous as the Mujibnagar Government) withSyed Nazrul Islam as
Vice-President (to act as President in the absence of Bangabandhu) and
Tajuddin Ahmed as Prime Minister. On April 17, 1971, the ‘Mujibnagar
government’ took oath of office in Baidyanattala of Meherpur district,
in the presence of the elected representatives, Awami League leaders,
freedom-fighters, local and foreign journalist and a large number of
common people. The provisional government was formed in the following
manner:
President & the
Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces : Bangabandhu Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman Acting President : Syed Nazrul Islam Prime
Minister : Tajuddn Ahmed Minister of Foreign Affairs :
Khandakar Mustaq Ahmed Finance Minister : Caption M. Mansur Ali
Home Minister : A H M Kamaruzzaman
This provisional Government of Mujibnagar gave leadership to the War
of Liberation in the name of Bangabandhu. After the formation of the
provisional government, the Liberation War found a sound footing: The
Mukti Bahini (Bangladesh freedom fighters) fast grew into a highly
disciplined combative force. The freedom fighters started their
guerrilla attacks on the enemies all over Bangladesh and within months
succeeded in forcing the Pakistani soldiers to confine themselves in
their cantonments. On December 3, Pakistan made a desperate attempt to
break the impasse by leading an air attack on India. An all-out War
between India and Pakistan Started. The Mukti Bahini and the Indian
army formed the Allied Forces under a joint command. On December 6,
1971India accorded formal recognitiion to independent Bangladesh. The
13-day War came to an end on December 16, with the surrender of 93,000
Pakistani soldiers to the Joint Command of Bangladesh and India in the
historic Race Course Maidan of Dhaka.
The Post-liberation period & the struggle for national reconstruction
After the Liberation, Bangabandhu and the Awami League government
faced a formidable challenge in the sphere of national reconstruction.
The whole country was ravaged by the non-month long bloody War of
Liberation. Communication system, the posts and industries were
completely in ruins. Schools and colleges, factories and food silos,
the village hats and bazar were burnt to ashes by the marauding
Pakistani soldiers. All these things had to be rebuilt. Then there was
the staggering problem of the rehabilitation of the families of the
martyr, of those who were maimed by the War and of the women raped and
tortured by the Pak army. Ten million refugees, who had fled to India,
were to be brought back and rehabilitated. The economy was in a
shambles, foreign currency reserve was nil; the food silos were empty.
The possibility of a famine causing death of millions was being
forecast. Things were compounded by the drought of 1972, the devastating
cyclone of 1973, the adverse effect of the worldwide recession owing
to the Arab-Israeli War and the floods of 1974 etc. A greater threat to
the political stability of the newborn country was posed by the
conspiracies of the defeated anti-liberation quarters. A few
pro-Chinese leftists started a nefarious campaign by setting jute
godowns on fire, uprooting railway tracks, attacking police outposts and
committing clandestine political murders. The government of
Bangabandhu had to confront these challenges of reconstruction on a War
footing.
On his return from his confinement in Pakistan on January 10, 1972,
Bangabandhu devoted himself to this stupendous task of reconstruction.
We can enumerate the successes of the Bangabandhu government of 3 years
briefly as follows:
(a) Restoration of communication system within the shortest
possible time; the clearing of mines at Chittagong and Chalna Ports;
(b) Rehabilitation of 10 million refugees who had taken shelter in India;
(c) Granting of economic aid to the families of martyred freedom fighters;
(d) Rehabilitation of narly 3 lakh women who were dishonoured during the War;
(e) Sending of disabled freedom-fighters abroad for treatment;
(f) Ensuring the return of the Indian forces within 3 months of the Liberation;
(g) Framing of one of the world’s best constitutions within 10 months;
(h) Introduction of Parliamentary system;
(i) Holding of general elections in 1973 (AL won 293 out of 300 seats);
(j) Reorganization of the Defence Forces;
(k) Appointment of the Kudrat-e-Khuda Education Commission for framing a scientific and secular education policy;
(l) The promulgation of a democratic ordinance for the universities (1973);
(m) Nationalization of 40 thousand primary schools;
(n) Winning of recognition by 140 nations of the world;
(o) Siging the Ganges-Water Sharing Treaty with India ensuring 44,000 cusecs of water for Bangladesh; etc, etc.
In 1974, when the anti-liberation forces accelerated their disruptive
activities Bangladesh felt the necessity of uniting all the
pro-Liberation forces of the country under one banner. With this end in
view, he formed the Bangladesh Krishak-Sramik Awami League (24 January,
1975). He also declared the programme called the ‘Second Revolution’
in order to rivitalize the economy and to cement the national unity. As a
result of this, the law and order situation improved considerably; the
prices of essential commodities came down and political stability
returned to the country.
At this critical juncture, when Bangladesh was striding forward under
the able leadership of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the cruelest
assassination of history took place on August 15, 1975. The foundng
architect of Bangladesh, Father of the Nation, the Glorious Leader of
Liberation War, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was assassinated
along with all the members of his family then in Dhaka and other
leaders. Anti-Liberation and reactionary international forces with the
help of their local henchmen staged this most brutal murder of all
times.
The post – ’75 movement against autocracy and for the restoration of democracy
The anti-liberation reactionary and counter-revolutionary forces
usurped the state-power through the assassination of Bangabandhu on
August 15, 1975. For the subsequent 15 years, Bangladesh was ruled by
the same forces sometimes under a civilian guise, sometimes under
military dictatorship. Khandakar Mushtaq one of the chief conspirators
behind the Bangabandhu killing ruled for a few months (1975) before
being ousted by General Zia who ruled till 1981. After he was murdered
in an abortive coup, Justice Sattar came to power (1981-82). General
Ershad ousted the elected government of Sattar and assumed power in 1982
and continued his military rule upto 1990. In 1990, he was forced to
stepdown through mass-upheaval which reminded many of the mass-upsurge
of 1969 against Ayub Khan. During these 15 years, the successive rulers
tried their utmost to obliterate the memories of Liberation War efface
the name of Bangabandhu from the mind of the public, sheltered and even
rewarded the killers of Bangabandhu, allowed the communal polities to
operate freely. Coups, conspiracies, social anarchy and corruption held
unhindered sway in the country. In the elections of 1991, Khaleda
Zia’s Party BNP was voted to power. Like the earlier regimes, Khaleda
Zia’s government pursued the same policies.
During
these dark years of our national life, Awami League had the self
imposed task of fighting for democratic rights of the people. After
15th August 1975, there came another cataclysmic event that struct
Awami League very seriously and led to a temporary vaccum in the
leadership: four national leader, Syed Nazrul Islam, Tajuddin Ahmed, M.
Mansur Ali and A.H.M. Kamaruzzaman were killed in Dhaka Central Jail by
the same conspirators who had killed Bangabandhu.
A. The Rule of General Zia
After the killing of Bangabandhu on August 15, 1975, Khandakar
Mushtaq Ahmed assumed power for a brief period. But General Ziaur
Rahman, who was the chief beneficiary of the killing, could not keep
himself behind the wings for long. On November 7, 1975, he assumed the
power in a military coup de tat. Ruthless and ambitious as he was, he
took some quick steps to consolidate his power: One such step was to get
Colonel Taher, a valiant freedom fighter whom he had duped in order to
ascend to power, summarily hanged (July 21, 1976), on a charge of
treason. This Machiavelli of Bangladesh politics later put on the mask
of democracy by starting a political party named Bangladesh Nationalist
Party (BNP) where he assembled all the anti-liberation and communal
elements. He had to face at least 20 coup attempts. He crushed these
attempts brutally by killing numberless freedom-fighter personnel in
the army. It was Zia who first rewarded the self-confessed killers of
Bangabandhu by giving them employment in foreign missions of Bangladesh.
It was during his time that election-rigging and elections by
blueprint started in Bangladesh. For example, on My 30, 1977 he held a
referendum in which it was shown that 99% voters had taken parts. Zia
got 98.88 of the vote cast in his favour. The general elections of
February 18, 1979 was also a big hoax: as per the government blueprint,
his BNP was shown to have won 207 seats out of 300. Zia ensured the
two-thirds majority of his party in the parliament with an ulterior
motive: he had a plan to change the secular provisions of the
constitution and to regularize the various proclamations and regulations
passed during his rule as a military dictator.
Awami League did not let anything to go unchallenged. Side by side
with organizing street demonstrations, it also took part in the
presidential and parliamentary polls during the Zia-Sattar regime (1978,
1979, 1981), sometimes singly, sometimes by forming alliances with
other parties. Awami League took these polls as an opportunity to
solidify the party organization. Despite the implementation of a
blueprint and a large-scale government intervention in the polls, Zia
could not prevent Awami League from becoming the main oppositiion party
in the Jatya Sangshad. When General Zia brought the 5th Amendment Bill
with a view to giving his military rule of 1975-79, Awami League
opposed it vehemently both inside and outside the parliament. Awami
League vociferously protested other anti-people and undemocratic moves
taken by Zia government.
Towards the end of the Zia regime, Bangabandhu’s daughter Sheikh
Hasina returned home from self-exile since the August tragedy. The day
was May 17, 1981. Sheikh Hasina and her sister Sheikh Rehana had left
behind their parents, brothers and their wives and other relatives when
they went abroad a few months before the August tragedy of 1975. When
she returned home in 1981, his near and dear ones were no more. But she
quickly got over the grief of losing her parents and dear ones like his
little brother Russell and took the helm of Awami League. She devoted
herself wholeheartedly to the reorganization of the party for starting a
relentless and indomitable struggle for the restoration of democracy
in the country and for the attainment of the rights of the people.
Awami League was reassured to find in her an intrepid, brilliant,
dynamic leader was ready to go to any extent for the realization of the
dreams of her father, the founder of Bangladesh, Bangabandhu Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman. The party elected her its president and posited its
confidence in her. she on her part soon became the rallying point of
the toiling masses, the rightless, voiceless multitudes who were ophaned
like herself at the death of Bangabandhu. Awami League was
reinvigorated by her electrifyingly enthusiastic leadership and her
far-reaching political visioin. On the day of her home-coming, it seemed
as if Nature also mourned with her : it was a day that saw heavy
downpour and thunderstorm in the city. In spite of the inclement
weather, a million people turned out at the airport to receive the
daughter of Bangabandhu with the warmth of their heart.
On May 30, 1981, General Ziaur Rahman died in an army putsch. Vice
President Justice Abdus Sattar took office as President, but within
less than a year he was forced to resign by General Ershad who staged an
army conp on March 24, 1982. Thus the long autocratic rule of General
Ershad started which lasted for nine long years.
B. The Rule of General Ershad
On March 26, the Independence Day, after only two days of Ershad’s
assumption of power, Sheikh Hasina voiced her first protest against the
autocratic rule in an address at the National Memorial at Savar. She
vowed to restore democracy and pronounced a stern warning to Ershad.
She made a similar pronouncement on January 21, 1983 to a huge
gathering in front of Bangabandhu Bahaban in Road no. 32, Dhanmondi. The
Ershad government quickly arrested her on charge of the violation of
Martial Law and clamped a legal suit against her. Other political
parties and their leaders kept silent during this time.
Sheikh Hasina felt the need for starting a concerted movement against
Ershad’s military autocracy. With that end in view she formed a 15
party Alliance in early 1983. The Alliance adopted a 5-point action
programme, the main concern of which was the immediate withdrawal of
military rule and the return of the army to the barracks and the
holding of the Jatiyo Sangshad elections before any other polls. Four
years passed, during which time a number of hartals were observed, a
national convention was held in Dhaka etc. But the autocratic rule of
Ershad still there. On May 7, 1986, Ershad announced the date for Jatiyo
Sangshad election. Awami League throught it opportune to fight the
election unitedly with other parties and alliances; bujt a few of the
parties withdrew themselves at the last moment. 8 parties under the
leadership of Sheikh Hasina took part in the polls jointly. This
8-party Alliance got 97 seats out of 300, and 31.21% of the total vots
cast. (Awami League won 76 seats on its own and 26.15% of the total
votes). In reality, Awami League-led Alliance was on the verge of
wianing a majority, but the results were hijacked by a media-coup. The
declaration of elections results on the TV and the radio was suspended
for 48 hours, during which time Ershad hijacked toe popular mandate.
This incident exposed the term nature of Ershad regime to the outside
world. The accumulated hatred of the people against Ershad’s
autocractic rule grew stronger as they understand that no free and fai9r
polls was possible under the Ershad government. Accordingly, Awami
League refrained form participating in the presidential election of
1986 and the Jatiyo Sangshad election of 1988 and the Jatiyo Sangshad
election o 1988. As a result, these elections turned into a farce.
Awami League, however, continued to play its role as opposition party
in the parliament right upto the dissolution of Jatiyo Sangshad in
December 1987. Side by side with this, AL organized street
demonstrations also. Awami League observed March 24, the day Ershad
snatched power as ‘Black Day’. When the Ershad Government made a bid to
have the ‘Zilla Parishad Bill’ (with a provision of representation of
the army) passed in the Parliament, Awami League members led by Sheikh
Hasina staged a walk out (12 July, 1987). There were angry protests
outside the house also, which forced Ershad government to retreat.
The final months of 1987 saw a strong anti-Ershad movement. One
November 10, Awami League observed the ‘Dhaka siege Day’. A worker of
Awami Jubo League, Noror Hossain made himself a walking poster by having
these slogans painted on his chest and back : ‘Let Democracy be free’
and ‘Down with autocracy’. The police targeted him and killed him with a
gunshot. The Ershad government was frightened by the public anger and
the next day interned Sheikh Hasina in her own house. Quite a few
leaders and activists of Awami League and its constituent organizations
courted arrest in this new phase of movement against Ershad. Being
freed form house-arrest, Sheikh Hasina went to Chittagong on January
24, 1987 to address a public meeting in Laldighi Maidan of Chittagong.
On the way the truck carrying Sheikh Hasina to the meeting venue came
under a sudden attack : the police and the paramilitary forces fired
indiscriminately killing about 50 people on the spot. The main target
of this infamous ‘ January 24 Genocide’ was of course Sheikh Hasina
herself. But by the grace of the Almighty her life was saved. The
anti-Ershad movement rose to a crescendo during 1687. Ershad on his
part, attempted a new strategy to quell the popular uprising : he
dissolved the parliament and let loose a reign of terror on the
opposition political parties. With a view to forming a ‘rubber stamp’
parliament, Ershad arranged for a farcical, voterless election on March
3, 1988. Almost all the parties boycotted the election. But Ershad
managed to get the notorious ‘State Religion Bill’ passed by the 8th
Amendment of the Constitution in this ‘rubber stamp’ parliament. This
bill struck a blow at the non-communal, secular foundation of the state
of Bangladesh and the spirit of the glorious Liberation War. Awami
League raised its voice of protest against the bill and organized
demonstration all over the country.
When all the concentred efforts made by various political parties,
alliances and professional organizations came to naught, Sheikh Hasina
came forward with a historic formula for Ershad’s resignation in a
mammoth meeting at Panthapath of Dhaka on November 6, 19990. She
suggested that Ershad should quit after handing over power to a neutral
non-partisan person under the articles 51 and 55 of the Constitution
(this formula was incorporated in the ‘Historic Formula of the Three
Alliances of November19’. Consequently and at long last, Ershad was
forced to declare resignation on December 4, 1990. On December 6, he
handed over power to neutral caretaker government headed by Justice
Shahabuddin Ahmed, the then Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. Thus
the 9- year long autocratic rule of General Ershad came to an end. In
the ouster of the autocratic government of Ershad, Awami League and its
various organs played the most seminal role.
C. The Rule of Begum Khaleda Zia
The Jatiya Sangshad election of February 27, 1991 under the neutral
caretaker government of Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed was a disheartening
experience for Awami League. Everybody, both at home and abroad, had
thought that Awami League would win an absolute majority and form the
government. Even BNP anticipated their defeat, had started preparing
for post-election agitation programmes. But the election results
surprised all concerned. Awami League and its allies got more vote but
less seats in the Sangshad (34.29% votes and 100 seats; AL by itself 88
seats); whereas BNP got less votes but won more seats (30.81% of votes
and 140 seats).
The reasons were not far to seek. All the rightist political parties,
the defeated forces of 1971, the beneficiaries of post-75 politics,
the owners of black money, the collaborators of autorcracy and their
foreign patrons joined their hands in order to defeat Awami League. They
usd their black money and communal propaganda for the purpose. On top
of that, BNP and Jama-ati-Islami made an electoral alliance and divided
the seats among themselves. When all these conspiracies seemed to bear
no results they took recourse to subtle rigging. The sure victory of
Awami League was thus hijacked by BNP. It was a deep and far-reaching
conspiracy of the reactionary quarters against Bangladesh Awami League,
the undaunted champion of the hopes and aspiration of the people and
the upholder of the spirit of democracy and Liberation War.
After the election, BNP formed the government with the assistance of
Jamaat. Because of electoral understanding with BNP, Jamaat had managed
to win 18 seats. BNP leader Khaleda Zia took oath of Office as prime
Minister on March 19, 1991 and Awami League under the leadership of
Sheikh Hasina took up the role of the opposition in the parliament.
Even in this role, Awami League did not forget its electoral vows : it
took initiative to introduce the parliamentary form of government which
ultimately came into being through the 12th Amendment of the
Constitution (August 6, 1991).
But the nation could not reap the fruits of parliamentary democracy
for long. Despite being the Prime Minister and the Leader of the House
in the Sangshad, Begum Khaleka Zia often absented here self from the
parliament. The administration was shamelessly monopolised by the party
in power; Khaleda Zia herself, her two sons, her siblings and other
relatives, the ministers and the leaders-workers-supporters of BNP
indulged in widespread corruption. They misappropriated thousands of
crores of public money in order to enrich themselves overnight. The
hoodlums of BNP were given arms with which they let loose a reign of
terror all over the country. Murder, women and children abuse, acid
throwing on girls became the order of the day. The hooligans of
BNP-supported student organization turned every campus into a killing
zone, the result being that all the university and colleges started to
close down one by one. There was on unprecedented anarchy in the
agriculture sector : 18 farmers were shot dead when they were
demonstrating for fertilizers at a reasonable price. Similarly, 19,
factory-workers were also killed. The people were soon disenchanted with
the Khaleda government and thire disappointment and anger showed
through the results of a by – election in Mirpur. Although the AL
candidate won the poll, the Election Commission, at the behest of the
BNP government, changed the results and declared the BNP candidate
winner (February 3, 1993).
On January 30 1994, the BNP candidate for the Mayorship of Dhaka was
defeated by the AL candidate. In order to take revenge for this
electoral defeat, the BNP hooligans gunned down 7 innocent people at
Lalbagh in the city. People from all walks of life protested this
heinous ‘Lalbagh Murder’ and demanded the trial of the killers. Things
started happening at a quick pace and the BNP government’s popularity
fell to zero. On March 20, 1999, a by-election was held for the
Sangshad seat of Magura-2, which was a watershed in the political
history of the country. BNP resorted to all-out violence, rigging and
irregularity in order to hijack the popular verdict clearly by the
voters in favour of the AL candidate. It was such an unprrecedented and
shameless rigging that the Election commission itself was redered
helpless : the Chief Election Commission flew back to Dhaka, seemingly
in dismayed and shocked by the stupendity of it.
It became crystal clear through the Magura polls that a free and fair
election cannot be held under a party- government : the only solution
is to hold all national elections under a neutral caretaker government.
With this end in view, the opposition parties in the Sangshad under the
leadership of sheikh Hasina tried to move a bill in the Sangshad. But
it was impossible for BNP and Khaleda Zia to countenance such a
proposal. On the contrary, Kahaleda Zia rejected the opposition demand
disdainfully, and declared, “None but a mad man or a child is neutral.”
After the Magura incident, all the political parties including AL chose
to boycott all elections under the BNP government.
Sheikh Hasina, the President of Awami League and Leader of Opposition
in the Parliament led a tumultous mass-movement on the issue of
neutral carretaker government and the attainment of the people’s right
to vote freely. The caretaker government issue soon became the national
demand. As a part of the movement, Awami League and other opposition
parties refrained from attending the sessions of the parliament (March
30-December 28, 1994) and finally, 146 MPs resigned their posts as
members of Parliament. In spite of this, BNP tried to continue the
Snagshad without the opposition parties for more than a year. Finally,
on November 24, 1995, the BNP government dissolved the parliament and
went for fresh polls. Thus Begum Khaleda Zia and her government had to
quit before the expiry of its 5 year term.
A farcical election was held on February 15, 1996 with all the
opposition political parties boycotting it. As the popular demand of
holding the parliamentary polls under neutral caretaker government was
turned down, the opposition decided to actively resist the polls. I the
process of this resistance, 147 people were killed, thousands were
wounded and more than 20 thousand AL workers were put behind the bars.
In the midst of nationwide protests, hartals and demonstrations, the
illegally formed parliament was called to session. It lasted for only 4
working days. As the political situation of the country became
extremely explosive, Khaleda Zia had to concede the demand for neutral
caretaker government and had to pass a bill to that effect through the
13th Amendment of the Constitution (March 26, 1996). But the protesting
public were not content in having anything short of the resignation of
the Khaleda Zia government. Sheikh Hasina, the leader of the masses,
called for an all-out movement for the cancellation of the February 15
election, resignation of Begum Zia government and the holding of a
fresh parliamentary election under a neutral caretaker government. At
the order of Sheikh Hasina, a countrywide non-stop non-cooperation
movement started from March 9, 1996, Everything including the
seat-ports of Chittagong and Chalna came to a stand still. She ordered
the establishment of the ‘Janatar Mancha’ (Peoples Dias) in front of the
National Press Club, Where people form all walks of life, including
the officer and officials of the Secretariat assembled to show their
allegiance to Sheikh Hasina and their solidarity with the on-going
movement. In the face of the anti-Khaleda mass-upsurge, Bugum Zia
declared her resignation from power (March 30, 1996). The President
appointed Justice Mohammad Habibur Rahman, fromer Chief Justice of the
Supreme Court as the head of the caretaker government.
Awami League government led by Sheikh Hasina (1996-2001) and its success
On June 12, 1996 parliamentary election was held under a neutral
caretaker government led by Justice Mohammad Habibur Rahman. Bangladehs
Awami League under the leadership of sheikh Hasina part in the election
with ‘boat’ as the election wymbol and won majority seats. Sheikh
Hasina took the oath of office as Prime Minister on June 23. Awami
League’s was undoubtedly a significant event in our national history.
since the assassination of Bangalbandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1975,
the anti-Liberation and anti-people forces had spread their web of
deceit and subterfuge, of conspirecy and subversion, in order to
forestall Awami League’s return to power. They had tried to bring back
Pakistani ideals in every sphere of national life. But Awami League’s
much awaited and spectacular come-back put an end to all these nefarious
designs and paved the way for the restoration of the spirit of
Liberation War, democratization, alleviation of poverty, illiteracy and
terrorism, efffective prevention of torture, upon women and poor and
the distressed. Moreover, this come-back opened up new vistas of
possibilities for the restoration of the image of Bangladesh in the eyes
of the world-community. It will also-help the struggle for
establishing a modern, affluent, self-reliant Bangladesh suited to face
the challenge of the 21st century. Indeed, a new and an altogether
different phase of the national struggle has started with Sheikh
Hasina’s assumption of office.
The Awami League government has already achieved a spectacular
success in various spheres. Democracy has been given an institutional
shape; the Sangshad has been made the centre of all activities; the
transparency and accountability of the government have been ensured.
Bangladesh under the sagacious leadership of Sheikh Hasina has signed a
30-year treaty with India to ensure a fair share of Ganges water for
Bangladesh. The internecine, fratricidal conflicts in Chittagong Hill
Tracts have come to an end following the signing of a peace treaty with
the tribals there. Awami League government of Sheikh Hasina repealed
the infamous ‘Indemnity Act’ and paved the way for the trial of the
killers of the Father of the Nation, which was a clear realisation of
its election pledge. The government of Sheikh Hasina has taken a number
of epoch-making steps for the amelioration of poverty and for bringing
smile to the face of the toiling millions. As a result of these. the
country is now self-sufficient in food. Prices of necessary commodities
have not risen during the past five years. The AL government has
adopted a multilateral programme for removing poverty. This includes
the pension schemes for the aged people, the divorced women and the
widows, monthly grant of Taka 300 for disadvantaged freedom fighters;
Employment Bank for the jobless, ‘Asrayan Prakalpa’ (a housing scheme
for the houseless) and ‘Santinibash’ (homes for the aged) at every
district headquarters. The deft way in which the government managed the
devastating flood of 1998 also won the praise of the world community.
The average per head income has resen from 280 US dollars to 386 US
dollars. Literacy rate has risen from 44% to 62%. New industries and
factories have been established a new export processing zones started
functioning. There has been an increase in foreign investment also. In
the field of games, Bangladesh has acquired ‘test status’. In the
cultural arena also, a new era has begun under the leadership of Prime
Minister Sheikh Hasina and her government.
In the international arena, Bangladesh has achieved several
successes. The glorious Language Movement of 21st February has won
recognition as International Mother Language Day. Among other notable
achievements are Bangladesh’s election as a member of the UN security
Council, the exchange of visit by the heads of government of Bangladesh
and the USA, Bangladesh’s election as the leader of the D-8 group,
Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s winning of the UNESCO Peace Prize and
The Ceres Prize awarded by FAO. Bangladesh has acquired a place of
honour in the comity of nations. Bangladesh is now known by its new
image as a self-reliant nation with infinite prospects.
The governments that preceded the AL government of Sheikh Hasina had
no definite policy in running the country. They believed only in looting
and plundering the national wealth. They misruled the country with the
assistance of the anti-Liberation elements on an ad hoc basis. The AL
government reversed the situation: from the very start it adopted
realistic and pragmatic policies for an over-all development of the
country. National Education policy, Industrial policy, Agriculture
policy, Water policy, Forest and conservation policy, Investment policy
and Health policy are some examples of the clear-sighted and progressive
planning by the AL government.
Conclusion
Bangladesh Awami League is not merely a political party; it is a
half-a century-old political institution also. The fate of Bangladesh
and the Bangalee nation has been inextricably intertwined with this
party. It has always upheld and fought for the democratic ideals and
stood by the side of the toiling masses.
Our great leader, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman did his politics
all for the betterment of the lot of the poor masses of this country.
After his sad death, the mantle has fallen on his daughter, Sheikh Hasina, who is carrying on the same fight as her father.
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